Sexual Abuse and Subsequent Suicidal Behaviour Essay Example for Free

Sexual Abuse and Subsequent Suicidal Behaviour EssayABSTRACT.Suicidal demeanour is a cause for concern among many western countries in general, it is just abtaboo common among fresh women. This inquiry used soft methods to explore the narratives of 24 Cate Curtis, PhD, lectures in psychology at the University of Waikato, New Zealand. She is interested in female self-harming behaviour, including self-mutilation and unsafe behaviour social factors implicated both in engaging in self-harm and in recovery, assorticularly the roles played by family and friends and barriers to help-seeking behaviour such as stigma. She is also interested in the shipway people diagnosable with kind illness make sense of their experiences of creationness unwell and their experiences as consumers of mental health services. Cate has also worked in a number of social service come alongncies as a young and familiarity worker.Address correspondence to Cate Curtis, PhD, Psychology De rivement, University of Waikato, Private Bag 3105, Hamilton, New Zealand (Email emailprotected). The author wishes to thank the actors who h whizzstly shargond their experiences of unsafe behaviour and internal holler, and hopes that the opportunity to get under ones skin their voices heard through this paper goes nearly way to repay their contribution. amine the meanings of events leading to and implicated in the recovery from unsafe behaviour. The inquiry confirms sexual offense as a common precursor to suicidal behaviour several women asserted that they would non open attempted self-destruction if they did non expect a sexual debase level.KEYWORDS. Sexual sophisticate, suicidal behaviour, adolescent mental health, interventionBarriers to early death ar increasingly strengthened through advances in medical science we are more aware of the causes of premature death than ever before. Yet roughly(prenominal) young people continue to attempt (and in some cases succeed) to t ake their own lives. Internation completelyy, adolescents and young adults are at greater risk of suicidal behaviour than other age groups (Gould et al., 1998 Romans, Martin, Anderson, Herbison, Mullen, 1995), and fleck males complete self-annihilation at higher rates than females, rates of suicidal behaviour in general are well higher for females (Ministry of Youth Affairs, Ministry of Health, Te Puni Kokiri, 1998). Examinations of risk factors for suicidal behaviour have giantly been quantitative in nature, seeking to determine correlations. Also, the majority of studies have been conducted with clinical populations.The research discussed in this paper attempts to address these contingent methodological issues through the use of qualitative methods with a community take in. The paper discusses the experiences of women who eng elder in suicidal behaviour while under the age of 25 through their first-hand accounts. Of particular interest is the relationship between sexual p ervert and accompanying suicidal behaviour, and how sexual abuse tincts upon help-seeking behaviour and the efficacy of interventions for suicidal behaviour. Adults who have been victims of sexual abuse as children or adolescents continue prodigiously greater symptoms indicative of falling off, anxiety, and self-abusive and suicidal behaviour.In a 1992 study by Saunders, Villeponteaux, Lipovsky, Kilpatrick, and Veronen, abuse survivors were significantly more in all likeliness than others to meet diagnosticcriteria for agoraphobia, threat disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, major depression, social phobia, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Vajda and Steinbeck (2000) tack that childishness sexual abuse is a stronger predictor of repeated suicidal behaviour than individual characteristics and other stressors, and Read, Agar, Barker-Collo, and Davies (2001) nominate that Current suicidality was predicted better by child sexual abuse (experienced on average 20 ye ars previously) than a current diagnosis of depression (p. 367). Rodriguez-Srednicki (2001) inform increased rates of drug use, alcohol abuse, disordered eating, risky sex, dissociation, self-mutilation, and suicidality in a sample of 175 female college students who were survivors of childhood sexual abuse, as compared to 266 female college students with no describe history of abuse.Likewise, elevated rates of depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, drug or alcohol abuse, suicide attempts, and psychiatric admission were set in motion in McCauley and colleagues (1997) study of childhood physical and sexual abuse in American women. Similar findings are reported by Polusny and Follette (1995), Silverman, Reinherz, and Giacona (1996), Stepakoff (1998), Read et al. (2001), and Read, Agar, Argyle, and Aderhold (2003) have linked sexual abuse to hallucinations, delusions, and thought disorders.Sexual abuse has been linked to a number of disconfirming psychological outcomes in addition t o diagnosable disorders. Effects include trouble sleeping, nervousness, thoughts of hurting oneself, and learning difficulties. Women whose abusive experiences occurred within the family are at greater risk of fray than other women (Sedney Brooks, 1984). Wagner and Linehan (1994) reported that not only are women who have been sexually ill-treated more likely to oblige in deliberate self-injury, their behaviour is also more likely to be lethal than that of women who did not report abuse. More recently, Gladstone,Parker, Mitchell, and Malhi (2004) argued that depressed women with a history of childhood sexual abuse may guide specifically tailored interventions. While a casual reading of the publications may suggest that most women who have been sexually abused go on to experience psychological problems, the Otago Womens Health guide found that only one in five women who reported sexual abuse as a child developed a psychiatric disorder (Ministry of Health, 1998). Reviewing a number of studies, Goodyear-Smith (1993) argued that the other forms of abuse and family dysfunction that tend to occur alongside sexual abuse may in fact play at least(prenominal) as great a part in later depression and psychological problems. Boudewyn and Liem (1995) suggested that the interminable the duration and the more frequent and severe the sexual abuse, the more depression and self-destructiveness is likely.In a large random community study, Romans, Martin, and Mullen (1997) found that of their 252 histrions, 26% of the participants reported sexual abuse before age 12 and 32% were sexually abused by the age of 16. Twenty-three (4.8%) of those interviewed reported a history of deliberate self-harm, and 22 of these 23 reported childhood sexual abuse. The one woman who self-harmed without a history of childhood sexual abuse reported sexual and physical assault as an adult. It should be noted that the extensive majority of women who were sexually abused did not report sel f-harm. A clear dose effect was found the more frequent and intrusive the childhood sexual abuse, the stronger the association with selfharm. This was also found in a study by Mullen, Martin, and Anderson (1996). Sexually abused participants who had self-harmed were more likely than other survivors of sexual abuse to report depression, anxiety disorders, eating disorders, and to drink alcohol in excess of the recommended guidelines.They were also more likely to have experienced psychosocial disadvantage in their families of origin, such as low care/ high control relationships with their parents, parental discord, paternal depression or alcohol abuse, and physical abuse. Romans and colleagues study clearly demonstrates that although not all women who havebeen sexually abused go on to harm themselves, the majority of women who harm themselves have been sexually abused. Although take on figures cannot be obtained and various definitions1 are used in the research, sexual abuse in girl s and young women is not uncommon, and it is generally accepted that females are far more likely to be victims of sexual abuse than males. For example, Saunders and colleagues (1992) reported that 10% of the women in their study in South Carolina had been raped during childhood, a further 15.6% had been molested, and another 12% had been the victims of non- tangency sexual assault (such as indecent exposure).When studied at age 18, 17% of females in a longitudinal study reported experiencing sexual abuse before age 16 (Fergusson, Lynskey, Horwood, 1996). However, it has been suggested that survivors in this age group are inclined not to report the abuse they have suffered (Ministry of Health, 1998). A study of 3000 women aged 18-65 (Anderson, Martin, Mullen, 1993) reported 32% being sexually abused before age 16. Using a close to narrower definition2 of sexual abuse than some, Muir (1993) found prevalence rates of 38% among women and 10% among men in her sample of university stud ents. However, Romans, Martin, Anderson, Herbison, and Mullen (1995) argued that until recently most studies have involved atypical samples such as social agency clients and clinical inpatients, and criticisms of the link between childhood sexual abuse and later suicidalityhave been based on these methodological issues for example, clinical inpatients may not be representative of the wider population of survivors of sexual abuse. Disclosure of abuse appears to be difficult for many survivors of sexual abuse, particularly apocalypse to police or others outside their circle of significant others. This may have implications for the efficacy of counselling and therapy. International studies reviewed by Muir (2001) suggested that 20-30% of survivors of childhood sexual abuse do not disclose until adulthood, and in over half the cases where disclosure occurred during childhood (usually to a parent or parent figure or friend only 4% disclosedto a community figure, such as police, teachers , or social workers), no action was taken. The majority of participants in Muirs (1993) study reported feeling scared, humiliated, guilty, and powerless at the time of the abuse. When asked how they felt today after disclosure, approximately one-third gave forbid reactions, such as guilt or shame. In some cases, the egress of the person to whom they had disclosed was negative or unsupportive.For some participants, negative responses to the question seem largely predicated on a overlook of response by the person disclosed to, or elflike change to the situation. Another study conducted by Muir (2001) found that fear of the consequences frequently affected womens ability to disclose. Anderson and colleagues (1993) reported that only 7% of sexually abused participants reported the abuse to police or social services, and Romans, Martin, and Mullen (1996) suggested that sexual abuse by a family segment is much less likely to be reported to police or social services than if the abu ser is outside the family. In many cases, fears were not unfounded disclosures were often met with disbelief or rejection on the part of the confidant.Similarly, Myer (1985) reported that of 43 mothers who attended a programme for mothers of father-daughter incest victims, only 56% protected their daughters, with 9% victorious no action and the remaining 35% rejecting their daughters in favour of their partners (the perpetrators of abuse). Members of the latter two groups either denied the abuse took place, or blamed their daughters, claiming, for instance, that their daughters were seductive, provocative, or pathological liars. Denial of abuse during childhood is often particularly disempowering and engenders a sense of betrayal and may result in the abuse continuing. Withholding disclosure may be a way to retain control over ones memories and emotions as Muir (2001) discussed, control (or the lack of it) is frequently an important issue for survivors of abuse. Control may also be maintained through selective disclosure, or choosing confidants that maximise confidence about disclosure.It seems executable thatdisclosure may impact mental health and potential suicidality, depending on how the disclosure is dealt with. If abuse is disclosed when it first occurs and is appropriately dealt with, the abuse survivor allow have the opportunity to take whatever steps she feels necessary to re-establish her emotional equilibrium. On the other hand, if she is unable(p) to disclose the abuse, or it is not dealt with appropriately, she may be at greater risk of feelings of guilt, anxiety, low self-esteem, and depression and the abuse may continue. These emotional responses could, in turn, lead to suicidality. Holguin and Hansen (2003) suggested that in addition to the impact of the abuse itself, the consequences of being labelled as sexually abused may have detrimental effects. They argued that the combination of negative expectations and biases may create a self-fulf illing prophecy, but acknowledge that further research into this area is required.Additionally, the mothers response to a disclosure of sexual abuse is central to her daughters recovery (Candib, 1999). Furthermore, perpetrators of sexual abuse are rarely identified and even more rarely punished (Candib, 1999) if a girls mother does not support her, she may well receive no support at all. A link between delayed disclosure of abuse or inadequate response to disclosure and subsequent suicidal behaviour does not appear to have been researched. However, assumption what is known about increased likeliness of suicidal behaviour among survivors of sexual abuse, it seems plausible that the addition of a lack of support to deal with the abuse may exacerbate suicidality. In summary, the literature reviewed suggested that sexual abuse leads to an increased likelihood of depression, anxiety, trauma, and substance abuse, all of which have been associated with suicidal behaviour.While it would b e incorrect to say that the majority of survivors of sexual abuse engage in suicidal behaviour, there is no doubt that the risk is increased, and Romans and colleagues findings (Romans et al., 1995, 1997) suggested that the majority of young women who attempt suicide have been sexually abused. Candibs (1999) and Muirs (2001) findings that those who do not disclose abuse or whose disclosure does not result in appropriate responses are at increased risk of distress suggests that the likelihood of subsequent suicidal behaviour may be raised in these groups however, there appears to be little research on this topic. This research sought to explore the perceptions of women who had engaged in suicidal behaviour. While theliterature discussed above clearly points to a link between childhood sexual abuse and subsequent suicidal behaviour, the author was concerned to avoid assumptions about linkages between the two.The purpose of the research was to determinehow the women concerned (i.e., th e survivors of suicidal behaviour) saw their behaviour, what they considered to be the factors that led to their suicidality, how they made sense of their actions, and how they moved beyond suicidal behaviour. Therefore hardly a(prenominal) restrictions were placed on criteria for inclusion in the study and a research method was chosen that minimises the impact of the preconceived ideas of the researcher. Experience of sexual abuse was not a necessary criterion for inclusion in the study. Rather, this was a study of female suicidal behaviour that revealed a high prevalence of sexual abuse in participants histories. METHODS The population of interest in this research was women who engaged in non-fatal suicidal behaviour while under age 25. As noted by Gould and colleagues (1998), clinical samples demonstrate higher rates of co-morbidity than community samples, leading to an increased risk of sample bias.Due to this potential bias, and because a large number of young female self-inju rers do not come to the attention of a mental health professional, a qualitative approach that included a non-clinical population was used. Eligibility for participation in the research included prior contest in suicidal behaviour, while under age 25, cessation of suicidal behaviour for at least one year, and self-assessed as having recovered from suicidality. The latter two criterion were included both to ensure a degree of safety from distress that might have occured through taking part in the research and to increase the likelihood of participants having had some time to reflect on the cessation of their suicidal behaviour.However, it is acknowledged that the conclusiveness that suicidal behaviour should have ceased at least one year prior to participation is moderately arbitrary. Personal experience of sexual abuse was not a criterion for participation. Participants were recruited throughpresentations made to third-year and graduate psychology classes, through items placed i n magazines and newspapers, via the e-mail lists of relevant information networks, and through garner and information sheets sent to relevant community organisations such as womens groups and community support groups. dominance participants were invited to contact the researcher. An initial recruitment discussion took place during which the purpose of the study was discussed, along with eligibility criteria. Participants were asked if they had questions and then offered a written information sheet.Following this, eligible participants were invited to take some time to consider whether they wished to proceed and to contact the researcher againif they did. Most participants decided immediately that they wished to proceed and made an appointment for an interview. Two possible participants were not heard from subsequent to the recruitment discussion, and one cancelled her appointment. Participants A total of 24 women took part in the research. The participants formed a diverse group e fforts were made to recruit participants from a variety of backgrounds, in an attempt to obtain a sample as representative of the population of interest as possible, condition the sample size. The youngest participant was aged 21 at the time of the interview, while the oldest was 46. The average age was 29.6 years. each(prenominal) participants were born in New Zealand and of European descent, although two also were of Maori ethnicity (the indigenous people of New Zealand) and one was part-Asian. Most (n = 23) of the participants spent their childhood spiritedness with at least one biological parent, with the remaining participant had been adopted. However, only 11 participants reported that their biological parents were cohabiting at the time of the participants first suicide attempt. In eight cases, the parents separated at some point of the participants childhood or adolescence in three cases one parent had died, and in one case both parents had died. Eleven participants were li ving in cities at the time of their first suicide attempt, nine in towns, and fourin arcadian areas. Socio-economic status and education levels were mixed, possibly as a result of the recruitment process thirteen participants had terminate some university courses.Interview and Procedures An open-ended, semi-structured method of interviewing was chosen in recognition that an attempt to fit the participants varied experiences into a one size suits all structure would risk losing the subtleties of their interpretations. This method facilitates access to information the researcher could not have considered (Burns, 1994). In line with the narrative approach, once the preliminaries to the interview had been conducted (discussion about consent, recording of the interview, making the participant comfortable, discussion of the topic, etc.), the participants were encouraged to tell their story, beginning with the background to becoming suicidal. Participants were asked in general terms how or why they became suicidal. They were not prompted by having possible risk factors suggested, such as sexual abuse. During this stage, the researchersrole was solely one of encouraging the process of story-telling.The second stage was one of seeking light and elaboration as required. Interviews lasted an average of two hours and all except three were conducted face to face, with two others being conducted by telephone and the remaining one a combination of telephone and electronic mail. Face-to-face interviews were conducted at the place of choice of the participant (in one case, at the participants workplace in another, at the offices of a participants counsellor and the remainder evenly split between the researchers university office and the participants homes). All face-to-face and telephone interviews were audio-taped. When transcribing was complete (within two weeks), a copy of the transcription was given to each participant to check for accuracy. No participants requested ch anges be made other than adding or correcting some details.Thematic data analysis was performed utilising the QSR Nud*ist qualitative data analysis software package. A suitable code structure was developed through this process,with branches for risk factors, other self-harming behaviours, interventions/therapies, and factors in cessation. Results A range of both proximal and distal factors were discussed by participants as contributing to their suicidal behaviour. Although suicidal behaviour was often triggered by an immediately preceding event, it was clear from the participants narratives that suicidal behaviour occurred against a background of long-term disturbance and dysfunction.All participants round about combinations of factors, and, with the exclusion of two women who considered that their suicidal behaviour was primarily due to biological causes (Kate and Lucy3), all the participants communicate of issues within their family being key contributors. While the divorce of parents does not seem particularly common (eight out of 24 participants), most of the others spoke of a large amount of parental conflict that did not result in divorce. Additionally, there were five parental deaths, two of which were suicides, and a number of other issues as discussed above. closely all participants spoke of some level of physical or emotional abuse within the family that was sufficiently severe to be considered a cause of their suicidal behaviour.